John stuart mill on government. John Stuart Mill 2022-12-18
John stuart mill on government
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1911
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But a pro tanto reason to regulate does not entail an all-thing-considered reason to regulate. There is a great quantity of mere sentimentality connected with these and similar phrases, over and above the amount of rational meaning contained in them. He also thinks regulation of working conditions hours, wages, and benefits is permissible, because the provision of improved working conditions typically has the structure of a public or collective good for workers, each of whom stands to gain a competitive advantage by conceding a little more to capital than his peers PPE V. But are not all these qualities fully as much required for preserving the good we have as for adding to it? He might allow such freedom of the press and of discussion as would enable a public opinion to form and express itself on national affairs. Let us again take the subject of judicature as an example and illustration. This guaranty for impartiality would be much impaired if the civil servants of government, even though sent out in boyhood as mere candidates for employment, should come to be furnished, in any considerable proportion, by the class of society which supplies viceroys and governors. It was beyond his imagination that the mission of democracy could be achieved by the illiterate and politically unconscious people.
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John Stuart Mill and Representative Government
We might expect a utilitarian to apply the utilitarian principle in her deliberations. Hinckes, a leading Canadian politician, to a West Indian government. It can only act by wielding some one or more of the forces of nature. If we correctly value one more than another, it must be because the first produces more numerous, intense, or durable pleasures than the other. The custom has of late been to some extent introduced, when the principle of a bill has been affirmed on the second reading, of referring it for consideration in detail to a select committee; but it has not been found that this practice causes much less time to be lost afterwards in carrying it through the committee of the whole House: the opinions or private crotchets which have been overruled by knowledge always insist on giving themselves a second chance before the tribunal of ignorance. DĂŽ meliora; but if a fate so disgraceful to England and to civilization can be averted, it must be through far wider political conceptions than merely English or European practice can supply, and through a much more profound study of Indian experience and of the conditions of Indian government than either English politicians, or those who supply the English public with opinions, have hitherto shown any willingness to undertake. John Stuart Mill was the first thinker of England who doubted the love for freedom of the English people.
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John Stuart Mill and the Dangers of Unrestrained Government
This shows that the truth-tracking argument condemns only unsuccessful or incompetent censorship. If anybody treats liberty in that light he will be quite unjustified. He vacillates between different conclusions. Besides, an assembly never personally experiences the inconveniences of its bad measures until they have reached the dimensions of national evils. When it is necessary or important to secure hearing and consideration to many conflicting opinions, a deliberative body is indispensable. What is apparent is that Mill has treated the theory of utilitarianism from the holistic standpoint. U V 32; also see V 33, 37â38 Indeed, if the goods protected by rights are so important, we can understand why Mill might think that society ought to enforce them by law or opinion V 24.
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Views of John Stuart Mill on Representative Government
Doing so is costly, and we may sometimes promote utility best by not trying to promote it directly. Under the current system Mill pointed out, minorities went unrepresented, and since they too needed to protect their interests, another electoral mechanism should be found to ensure their representation. Each should be assessed, the direct utilitarian claims, by the utility of doing so. We can say that though Mill was a staunch supporter of freedom he never wanted the interest of the society to be spoiled. The acquaintance with Greek enabled him to know the Greek philosophy. Such is the ideal rule of a free people over a barbarous or semi-barbarous one.
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John Stuart Mill: Bio, Life and Political Ideas
Insofar as this is a worry for the harm principle, it seems to be equally a worry for HP1 and for HP2. Mill sought to combine his two principles in other institutions of representative democracy as well. But in the world in which Mill lived he had no illusions about any such transformation in a reasonable horizon of time. This was one of the main objectives of Bentham. The laws of property, for example; the principles of evidence and judicial procedure; the system of taxation and of financial administration, need not necessarily be different in different forms of government. Those two or three will have a greater interest in misleading the body than any other of its members are likely to have in putting it right.
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Considerations on Representative Government, by John Stuart Mill
In particular, even if there is some reason to regulate conduct, there may be countervailing reasons not to regulate it. There is novelty, however, in the fact of bringing them together, and exhibiting them in their connection, and also, I believe, in much that is brought forward in their support. He calls Mill a reluctant democrat. If these were the only candidates for harmless wrongdoing, we might wonder if there was such a thing. The people for whom the form of government is intended must be willing to accept it, or, at least not so unwilling as to oppose an insurmountable obstacle to its establishment. This considerably helped him to arrive at the conclusion that the Industrial Revolution produced huge amount of wealth.
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John Stuart Mill on the need for limited government and political rights to prevent the âking of the vulturesâ and his âminor harpiesâ in the government from preying on the people (1859)
The majority was deprived of the fruits of wealth. Mill and Sidgwick thought that our knowledge of others and our causal powers to do good were limited to those near and dear and other associates with whom we have regular contact, with the result that as individuals we do better overall by focusing our energies and actions on associates of one kind or another, rather than the world at large U II 19; Sidgwick, Methods 361â69. It is impossible that these conditions should be in any degree fulfilled when laws are voted clause by clause in a miscellaneous assembly. Government, according to this conception, is a problem, to be worked like any other question of business. That is, in order to be better judges of the activities of representative government, the citizens must be educated or cultivated. The case is of perpetual occurrence. However these questions are resolved, it is doubtful that the harm principle is necessary to justify restrictions on liberty.
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Considerations on Representative Government
For instance, he thinks that being more intuitive, more practical, more focused on particulars, and less rigid allows women to compensate for deficits in the way that men typically approach decision-making. Representative Government is shown to be more coherent and systematic than has generally been assumed. The interests dependent on the acts done by a public department, the consequences liable to follow from any particular mode of conducting it, require for weighing and estimating them a kind of knowledge, and of specially exercised judgment, almost as rarely found in those not bred to it, as the capacity to reform the law in those who have not professionally studied it. According to this interpretation, Mill is focusing on pleasurable sensations and then distinguishing higher and lower pleasures by references to their causes. Second, Mill thinks that democracy is also the best form of government because of the constitutive effects of political participation on the improvement of the moral capacities of citizens 404. Yet even these yield in importance to the qualities of the human agents employed. He also learned history and arithmetic.
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